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CHAPTER I
Introduction
1.1 Background
Nepal is one of the smallest countries
in the world, land locked by India and China, two of Asia's largest
countries. Its total area is 147,181 sq. km. and the total population is
18.4 million . The country is divided administratively into 5
development regions, 14 zones and 75 Districts. There are three
ecological zones: the mountainous region, the hilly region and the Terai
region.
The principal economic activity in
Nepal is agriculture, which provides employment to more than 80 per cent
of the total labour force in the country. A study by Agricultural
Projects Services Centre (APROSC) indicates that a majority of the rural
population of Nepal lives in abject poverty. The rural economy is
characterised by small and fragmented land holdings, feudal
socio-economic structures, non-optimal utilisation of available scarce
productive resources, low land and labour productivity, backward farming
practices and inefficient technological base, and a lack of access to
inputs, markets, information and other production raising opportunities
(APROSC, 1991:1). Child labour is a common phenomenon in the economy.
It is within this context that this
study on Child Labour in Tea Estates of Nepal has been designed and
conducted. We have distinguished between. 'Child Work and Child Labour'.
We mean by child work, the work which does not deprive the children of
education and does not have negative effect on their health. On the
other hand, work done by children which affects their schooling and
health must be regarded as child labour. Child labour is prevalent in
the agricultural sector (farming, tea estates), service sector (hotels,
restaurants, transport & tourism), manufacturing sector (carpet and
garments) and domestic services. Needless to say, child labour in Nepal,
as well as in most parts of Asia is synonymous with low wages, poor
working conditions and long hours of work.
Nepal ratified the ILO Convention No.
138 concerning child labour in 1990 and the UN Convention on the Rights
of the Child in 1996. As a SAARC member, Nepal is a signatory to the
Colombo Resolution (1992), the Rawalpindi Resolution (1996) and the Male
Declaration (1997) which inter alia, commit the government to eliminate
child labour. The Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal (1990) protects
the interests of children. It prohibits the employment of minors in
factories, mines or any other hazardous work situations. The Labour Act
(1992) and the Rules made thereunder as well as the Children's Act
(1992) and the Children's Rules (1995) are the major legislation in this
regard. In addition, several provisions on children can be found in the
Common Law Code (1963), the Begging (Prohibition) Act (1962), the Prison
Act (1963), the Foreign Employment Act (1985), the Trafficking Control
Act (1986) and so on. The implementation and the enforcement of the
statutes have not, however, been satisfactory.
Of late, child labour in Nepal has
drawn the attention of many non-governmental organisations, governmental
organisations, international agencies, labour-based organisations such
as the ILO, regional organisations such as SAARC and the World Trade
Organisation. This has resulted in the introduction of a specific
programme for the elimination of child labour namely, IPEC, by the ILO
in 1995.
In its report, Designing a National
Framework of Action Against Child Labour in Nepal (1996), the ILO
clearly states that:
The problem of child Labour in Nepal
is due principally to the acute poverty of the people particularly in
the rural areas. Most people live on subsistence farming. Exploitative
social relations in the villages further aggravate the problem. The
harsh living conditions and frequent national disasters lead to seasonal
or permanent migration of families and in some cases, that of children
who, on their own, move from the rural to the urban areas.
The main factors contributing to
child labour have been identified to be (a) poverty; (b) social customs,
values and attitudes; (c) illiteracy of parents (d) lack of access to
education for the children; (e) agrarian relations; (f) migration from
rural to urban areas; (g) family disharmony and diminishing family
support; (h) trafficking of girls within he country and across the
border and (i) inadequate enforcement of labour and criminal law. (ILO,
1996:1)
This study has also confirmed most of
these factors to be true in the tea estates. Thus, a solitary call for
the simple abolition of child labour is not, as many of us may think, a
progressive step as it is divorced from the socio-economic realities of
Nepal. Unless it is integrated with equally humane measures towards
poverty alleviation such as a fair and adequate remuneration for workers
and an improvement in social welfare services from the government and
employers etc., a mere call for children to stop working is hollow.
Children are by no means insulated from the economic and social
impoverishment - in fact, poverty hurts the young even more than the
adults. Thus, it is of the utmost priority for His Majesty's Government
of Nepal and the concerned agencies who verbally profess to be committed
to the welfare of the people, to start implementing concrete programmes
for genuine poverty alleviation.
1.2 Objective of the Study
The ultimate objective of this
study is to help design measures for the elimination of child labour
from the tea estates of Nepal. The specific objectives are as
follows:
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To investigate the conditions and
the extent of child labour in tea estates
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To investigate and study the causes
of child labour in tea estates
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To document the various forms and
nature of child labour in tea estates
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By involving the workers in the
study to increase awareness about the issue of both adult and child
workers.
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To disseminate the results of the
study on child labour in tea estates to the general public
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To design and develop action
programmes based on the study in order to address the problems of
children and their families in the tea estates.
1.3 Location of the Study
The study covered all the 35 major tea
estates of Nepal. These tea estates are located in the Districts of
Jhapa and Ilam. The study excluded a few small tea gardens, which were
established very recently in the Districts of Panchthar and Tehrathum.
Twenty-six of the thirty-five tea
estates covered are private-owned, six being owned by small tea farmers.
Among the other nine tea estates, seven are public enterprises under the
Nepal Tea Development Corporation (NTDC) and two under the Ministry of
Agriculture as part of the National Tea and Coffee Development Board
(NTCD Board).
Twenty-six tea estates are situated in
Jhapa District: twenty-three private-owned and three NTDC tea estates.
Out of the remaining nine estates which are in Ilam District, three are
in the private sector, four owned by the NTDC and two by the NTCD Board.
Of late, an increasing number of small farmers are being highly
motivated towards tea farming as it is financially more beneficial than
working on their own.
[The names of tea estates surveyed
are in Appendix 1.]
1.4 Research Methodology
The Central Research and Co-ordination
Team was formed. It consisted of a research co-ordinator, two expert
consultants ( including a demographer) and two research assistants. The
demographer and the consultant acted as resource persons throughout the
study and were responsible for designing the sample survey, training the
field staff and analysing the information collected from the tea
estates. The study questionnaire was pre-tested in two tea estates
(Kanyam Tea estate of Ilam and Nakalbandha tea estate of Jhapa).
The survey covered 35 tea estates in
Ilam and Jhapa of eastern Nepal. The survey excluded the very small and
newly established tea farms. It is estimated that there were 5,169
workers working in these tea estates at the time of survey. This number
is relatively small because the survey was conducted during the off
-season. The survey covered 19 to 20 per cent of the total workers from
each tea estate. Ultimately the total sample size was 19.2 per cent.
Among the total 992 workers interviewed, 971 were adult (450 male and
521 female) and 21 were children below 15 years (7 boys and 14 girls).
Besides, the survey covered 509 Dhuras (working households).
Four separate sets of questionnaires
were prepared. The first set involved the family schedule aimed at
discovering the socio-economic condition of the workers' families, and
the nature and causes of child labour involvement. The individual
questionnaire for the adult workers was aimed at finding out the
condition of the workers and exposing the causes of child labour in
their family. The third set was directly presented to the child workers
employed at the time of survey. The fourth set of questionnaires was
administered to the management (employer/manager).
The first three sets of questionnaires
were administered by the 20 field staff members of GEFONT under the
supervision of two research assistants and co-ordinated by the project
co-ordinator.
A Focused Group discussion was
conducted in two tea estates of Jhapa to obtain qualitative information
on the issues of tea workers, especially the child workers. Barne Tea
Estate was selected from the public sector tea estates and Loknath Tea
Estate from the private sector. Five groups were formed from each estate
and consulted by a team of researchers including the co-ordinator, the
demographer and research assistants who were also involved in the field
survey. The type of groups formed were :
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Adult male workers (above 18 years
of age)
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Adult female workers (above 18 years
of age)
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Boys (up to 18 years of age)
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Girls (up to 18 years of age)
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Key informants ( school teachers,
local political party leaders, elected VDC officials and social
workers).
Discussion was also held with the
officials of the Labour Office, Jhapa, to test the validity of the
information provided by the participants of different group discussions.
Besides the primary data collected
through direct interviews with child workers, adult workers, management
and Focused Group discussions, secondary data were also used in this
study. A study by Child Workers in Nepal Concerned Centre, (CWIN)
conducted in 1991, titled Child Labour in the Tea Estates of Nepal
was the main source of secondary information. A preliminary survey
report, titled Child Labour and Tea Estates in Nepal, conducted
by GEFONT in April 1995, which covered 5 tea estates in Jhapa and Ilam
was used as the basis of this study.
1.5
Limitations of the Study
Only those workers and working families
living in the 'Dhuras' suggested by the tea estates concerned (with a
few exceptions) have been covered by this study. Besides this, there
were two main obstacles encountered while conducting the study:
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Communication: There were problems
in conducting the interview with the respondents who were from the
indigenous ethnic groups as most of the researchers spoke only in
Nepali and had very little knowledge of their dialects.
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Discrepancies in information given
by management and employers were seen, as opposed to our observation.
Most of the respondents claimed that there were no child workers in
their employment but during our study, we encountered several of them.
Furthermore, the management of both private and public estates seemed
hesitant to provide information and data on a number of subjects such
as the exact number of workers in their tea estates, the gender
distribution, production figures, financial data and so on.
1.6 Validity of the Study
During the study, almost all tea
estates of Jhapa and Ilam were surveyed. Over 19 per cent of the
estimated total number of tea estate workers in Nepal were interviewed,
thus making the qualitative and quantitative findings and data
comprehensive. The study, therefore, can be regarded as reflective of
the overall situation of tea estates. However, during the survey period,
a total number of only 21 child workers were detected and interviewed.
We believe that this number, representing 2.12 per cent of the total
respondents, is not indicative of the real situation of child workers in
tea estates of Nepal. The reasons will be explained in detail later in
this report. |